ORATION 


DELIVERED     BEFORE    THE 


CITY    COUNCIL    AND   CITIZENS 


BOSTON 


ONE  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTEENTH  ANNIVERSARY  OF  THE 
DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE 


JULY      4,      1893 


HENRY    W.  x  PUTNAM,   ESQ. 


BOSTON 
PRINTED  BY  ORDER  OF  THE  CITY  COUNCIL 

1893 


CITY    OF    BOSTON. 


IN  BOARD  OF  ALDERMEN,  July  5,  1893. 
RESOLVED,  That  the  thanks  of  the  City  Council  be  ex- 
pressed to  HENRY  W.  PUTNAM,  Esq.,  for  the  patriotic 
and  eloquent  Oration  delivered  by  him  before  the  city 
authorities  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  in  commemoration 
of  the  One  Hundred  and  Seventeenth  Anniversary  of 
American  Independence ;  and  that  he  be  requested  to 
furnish  a  copy  thereof  for  publication. 

Adopted  unanimously.     Sent  down  for  concurrence. 

JOHN  H.  LEE, 

Chairman. 

IN  COMMON  COUNCIL,  September  21,  1893. 
Concurred  unanimously,  by  a  rising  vote. 

DAVID  F.  BARRY, 

President. 
Approved  September  27,  1893. 

N.  MATTHEWS,  JR., 

Mayor. 
A  true  copy. 

Attest : 

J.  M.  GALVIN, 

City  Clerk. 


THE    MISSION     OF    OUR     PEOPLE. 


ME.  MAYOR  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS: 

The  time-honored  celebration  of  Independence 
Day  by  publicly  reading  the  immortal  declaration 
in  the  city  of  Faneuil  Hall  and  the  Old  State 
House,  of  the  Old  South  and  the  Boston  Mas- 
sacre, of  Bunker  Hill  and  Dorchester  Heights, 
and  on  this  spot  but  a  step  from  where  the 
Liberty  Tree  stood,  has  a  significance  which 
similar  observances  cannot  have  elsewhere,  even 
in  Philadelphia.  For  it  was  in  our  dear  old 
rebellious  town  that  the  fires  of  liberty  were 
kindled  and  kept  aglow  until  the  bolt  was 
forged  and  welded  and  driven  home.  Others 
elsewhere  may  equally  appreciate  the  historical 
importance  of  the  great  event  and  of  the  prin- 
ciples then  proclaimed,  and  be  equally  grateful 
for  its  beneficent  results  to  posterity;  but  every 
Boston  man  carries  the  old  Revolutionary  spirit 
in  his  blood  in  his  daily  walks  through  our 
storied  streets.  It  is  his  daily  bread,  his 
personal  and  domestic  aifair.  A  single  spark, 


(}  ORATION. 

and  the  old  flame  blazes  up  in  a  moment  with 
all  its  early  glow  and  fervor.  Thus  may  it 
ever  be!  Times  and  popular  habits  may  change, 
and  do  indeed  change  rapidly;  but  so  long  as 
constitutional  freedom  reigns  in  the  land  may 
the  glorious,  familiar  story  be  rehearsed  to  the 
hurrying  generations  on  this  anniversary  in  the 
old  historic  town  of  Sam  Adams  and  the  Sons 
of  Liberty! 

If  we  turn  from  the  external  side  of  our 
Fourth  of  July  celebrations,  —  from  the  scream 
of  the  eagle,  the  waving  of  the  flag,  the  ringing 
of  the  bells,  and  that  most  exquisitely  native 
New  England  feature,  which  we  have  ever  with 
us,  the  Chinese  cracker  and  the  ,  Roman  fire- 
work, —  we  find  even  within  quite  recent  times 
a  great  change  in  the  attitude  of  thougtful 
people  towards  the  day  and  towards  the  event 
it  commemorates.  As  that  event  is  looked  at 
through  the  lengthening  vista  of  the  years,  and 
especially  through  the  medium  of  national  con- 
vulsions like  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  its 
importance,  indeed,  does  not  diminish,  but  our 
historical  perspective  is  enlarged  and  we  see 
things  more  in  their  true  proportions.  It  used 
to  seem  as  if  the  world  began  with  our  nat- 
ional independence,  and  as  if  the  American 


JULY    4,     1893.  7 

Republic  sprang  full-grown  and  perfect  from  the 
front  of  Jove  by  a  creative  fiat;  the  millennium 
had  come  all  at  once;  there  had  been  no  before, 
and  there  would  be  no  serious  hereafter  to 
reckon  with.  It  is  true,  our  national  tone  of 
confidence  and  glorification  was  pitched  a  little 
high  and  shrill,  as  if  we  had  some  misgiving,  a 
lurking  distrust  that  all  was  not  well;  and  it 
was  not  until  the  gigantic  struggle  with  slavery 
had  been  successfully  met  that  the  key  was 
lowered  and  we  adopted  the  soberer  tone  that 
goes  with  mature  life  and  with  the  conscious- 
ness of  the  dangers  that  beset  the  path  of 
nations  and  of  our  ability  under  God  to  over- 
come them. 

In  this  frame  of  mind,  and  looking  back  into 
the  stored  wisdom  of  the  past  for  guiding 
principles  to  deal  thoughtfully  with  the  throng- 
ing questions  of  the  present,  our  point  of  view 
has  changed.  We  see  more  clearly  than  before 
that  the  principles  and  deeds  of  1776  form  but 
one  link  in  a  long  chain  of  historic  events 
which  have  made  us  what  we  are.  Our  mere 
political  independence  of  Great  Britain  is,  in 
this  view,  a  trifling  matter  compared  with  the 
common  interests  of  law,  trade,  language,  polit- 
ical principles  and  habits,  race  sympathy  and 


3  ORATION. 

mission,  in  which  the  branches  of  the  English- 
speaking  races  are  united  and  mutually  depend- 
ent. How  much  more  closely  inter-dependent, 
for  instance,  are  we  with  England  to-day, 
though  politically  separate,  than  were  our  colo- 
nial fathers,  even  before  so  much  as  the  first 
sign  of  serious  discord  with  the  mother-country 
had  appeared  on  the  horizon!  As  we  glance 
back  over  the  majestic  current  of  English  his- 
tory and  English  law,  rising  in  the  dim  distance 
of  Roman  institutions  and  Teutonic  customs, 
and  follow  it  down  through  the  times  of  the 
great  lawgivers  and  epoch-making  rulers,  of 
Alfred,  William  of  Normandy,  and  Edward  I.,  of 
Elizabeth,  Cromwell,  and  William  III.,  of  Magna 
Charta,  the  foundation  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
the  petitions  of  right,  the  struggle  over  ship- 
money,  the  Puritan  Commowealth,  how  fatuous 
seems  the  attempt  of  a  dull  and  obstinate  old 
Hanoverian  tyrant  to  tax  the  colonists  in  defiance 
of  the  ancient  English  principles  of  right  and 
against  the  convictions  and  protests  of  the  great 
Englishmen  of  his  own  time,  —  the  Chathams,  the 
Foxes,  the  Burkes!  As  the  centuries  move  on, 
will  this  effort  of  a  narrow-minded,  alien,  and 
absolutist  king,  sitting  upon  the  throne  of 
Alfred,  a  monarch  who  knew  less  of  the  funda- 


JULY     4,     1893.  9 

mental   Anglo-Saxon   principles    of    law   and   gov- 
ernment  than    any  tapster    in   his  realm,  create  so 
much    as    a    ripple    on   that   great   human   stream 
of   unity   and   progress   which   the   English-speak- 
ing  races    are   pouring   out   in   the   United  States, 
Canada,     the     Maritime      Provinces,    Australia,  — 
wherever    in    the    broad   world    the   American    or 
the    British    flag    is    carried  ?     Our   fathers   were 
but    own    brothers    of   the    blood    to    the    barons 
that   vindicated    the   personal   liberty   of    the   sub- 
ject   at   Runnymede;    to   the   knights   that   fought 
with    de    Montfort    at    Evesham,    and    sealed   for- 
ever  with    their   blood   and   his   the   right   of    the 
humblest    burgher    and    tradesman    in    a   land    of 
privilege    to    sit    in    Parliament    and   vote   on   the 
taxes    he    was    to    pay;    to    the    Commoners   who 
fought     Charles     Stuart     to     the     block     ere     he 
should   govern   and   tax   by   the   royal   prerogative 
alone.      More     far-reaching,     indeed,     in     its     im- 
mediate    results    was     their    work     than    that    of 
their    elder    brothers    in    freedom,    for   it   founded 
a    new    polity   on   a   virgin   soil    where   the   latent 
forces    of    democracy   in    the   world    should    take 
root  and   grow   beyond   the    dream   of  the    states- 
man    or     the    philosopher;     but    all    these    great 
deeds  were    essentially   equals,   that  of  our  fathers 
merely    primus     inter    pares.      The     independent 


10  ORATION. 

federal  republic  is  but  the  sumptuous  frame  in 
which  our  own  noble  canvas  is  set;  the  strong 
lines,  the  glowing  colors,  the  splendid  figures,  the 
stirring  and  dramatic  groups,  the  historic  back- 
ground, in  which  the  picture  of  the  growth  of 
liberty  is  drawn,  are  the  same  and  incomparable 
in  them  all.  It  cannot  be  wholly  the  bias  in 
the  blood  which  pronounces  this  stately  march 
of  the  race  to  universal  freedom  and  almost 
boundless  empire,  to  be  the  foremost  movement  in 
human  history  and  one  whose  possibilities  are 
hardly  hinted  at  by  what  we  see  already 
achieved  about  us  in  the  world  to-day. 

But  while  this  grand  thought  is  at  once  the 
comfort  and  the  inspiration  of  the  English-speak- 
ing millions  and  of  their  adopted  fellow-citizens, 
and  above  all,  ours,  who  stand  in  the  van  of 
the  great  march,  and  while  it  might  well  form 
the  sole  theme  of  a  Fourth  of  July  oration, 
still  the  growth  of  empire  has  brought  with  it 
the  perplexities,  the  dangers  of  empire;  and  in 
these  latter  days,  when  we  gather  on  formal 
occasions,  we  are  more  apt  to  take  counsel  to- 
gether on  the  problems  of  the  present  than 
merely  to  glory  in  the  achievements  of  the  past 
or  in  the  millennium  that  is  coming.  Those 
problems  loom  up  dark  and  numerous  enough,  — 


JULY     4,     1893.  11 

a  noisome  brood.  A  shifting  and  dishonest 
currency,  offering  a  fraction  in  payment  where 
the  whole  is  honestly  earned,  and  threatening 
our  whole  financial  system  with  dishonor  and 
disaster;  the  strongly-entrenched  perversion  of 
government  taxation  from  the  raising  of  neces- 
sary revenue  to  the  emolument  of  the  favored  few 
at  the  expense  of  the  consuming  many;  a  pen- 
sion-list swollen  to  uncounted  and  ever-growing 
millions  of  money,  making  peace  more  expen- 
sive and  more  demoralizing  than  war  and  con- 
verting the  nation's  roll  of  honor  into  a  sordid 
list  of  grabbers  at  the  government's  money- 
bags; paternalism,  and  its  twin  sister  and  hand- 
maiden socialism,  sapping  the  energy  and  self- 
reliance  of  the  people,  turning  government  into 
an  end  itself  instead  of  a  means,  threatening 
the  fundamental  personal  freedom  of  the  indi- 
vidual, and  even  the  right  of  private  property; 
labor  and  capital  arrayed  in  armed  camps  and 
unceasing  war  against  each  other,  each  seem- 
ingly bent  on  the  other's  ruin;  accumulations  of 
corporate  wealth  seeking  by  every  astute  and 
hidden  device  to  extort  from  the  toiling  and 
preoccupied  masses  an  exorbitant  return  upon  a 
fictitious  capital;  great  cities  sinking  in  the 
mire  of  corruption  as  they  grow  larger  and 


12  ORATION. 

more  heterogeneous  in  their  population;  the 
terrible  frequency  and  impunity  of  homicidal 
crime  and  the  defiant  misuse  of  the  pardoning 
power  in  favor  of  red-handed  murderers  of  the 
officers  of  the  law;  alien  races,  seemingly  al- 
most incapable  of  assimilation  with  our  political 
or  social  systems,  seeking  in  unlimited  numbers 
the  untrammelled  and  irresponsible  enjoyment  of 
both;  and  the  line  could  be  stretched  out  to 
the  crack  of  doom.  Here  is  enough,  and  to 
spare,  to  rejoice  the  hearts  of  all  the  Jeremiahs 
and  Cassandras  of  the  country  and  of  the  world, 
and  to  keep  them  busy  the  rest  of  their  natural 
lives.  But  the  patriotic  American  is  happily 
neither  a  Jeremiah  nor  a  Cassandra.  There  is 
no  place  among  us  for  the  mere  croaker  or  the 
mere  prophet  of  ill;  he  is  a  man  without  a 
country  and  is  left  severely  alone  or  shown 
courteously  to  the  door,  and  asked  to  take  his 
peculiar  note  elsewhere.  If  he  insists  upon 
staying  he  must  register  and  take  out  a  proper 
certificate  so  that  he  can  be  identified  by  the 
police  on  pain  of  being  "  deported "  to  his  na- 
tive land,  —  if  the  latter  can  be  found. 

The  American  citizen,  although  constitutionally 
confident  and  optimistic  to  a  fault,  thinks  and 
acts  more  on  the  problems  of  his  country  and 


JULY    4,     1893.  13 

of  his  time  than  the  individual  citizen  of  any 
state  has  ever  done  before.  The  genius  of  his 
institutions  requires  this  of  him;  if  they  are  to 
fulfil  their  entire  mission  his  participation  in 
public  affairs  has  got  to  become  even  more 
general,  more  active,  and  more  effective.  For 
one,  I  am  convinced  that,  in  a  thousand  differ- 
ent and  often  inconspicuous  ways,  it  is  constantly 
becoming  so  in  the  formation  and  enforcement 
of  public  opinion.  Not  the  least  gratifying  sign 
of  the  times  in  this  connection  is  the  fact  that 
the  observance  of  Independence  Day  has  be- 
come more  thoughtful  than  formerly  and  more 
concerned  with  the  practical  questions  of  the 
present  than  with  the  glories  of  the  past  or 
with  mere  noise  and  parade.  Let  us  briefly 
look  at  one  or  two  of  our  current  problems 
for  a  few  moments. 

Prominent  among  the  articles  of  indictment 
against  old  King  George  inserted  by  our  fathers 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which 
our  eloquent  young  friend  has  just  read,  is 
this :  "  For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts 
of  the  world."  It  is  a  part  of  the  bitter  irony 
of  history  that  the  fabric  which  they  carefuly 
and  toilfully,  with  tears  and  blood,  built  upon 
this  foundation-stone  has  by  force  of  circum- 


14  ORATION. 

stances  become  a  more  effective  barrier  to  "  our 
trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world "  than  all  the 
Navigation  Acts  which  Stuarts  and  Hanoverians 
had  for  a  hundred  years  loaded  upon  the  backs 
of  the  patient  colonists.  Within  a  century  the 
country  whose  founders  recognized  the  free  in- 
terchange of  commodities  with  foreign  nations 
as  one  of  the  fundamental  blessings  which  civil- 
ized man  should  fight  for  rather  than  go 
without  it,  came  to  be  the  foremost  representa- 
tive in  the  civilized  world  of  the  opposite  idea 
that  foreign  trade  is  a  natural  evil  to  be  avoided 
altogether  or  reduced  to  its  lowest  terms.  The 
little  group  of  colonies  strung  along  the  Atlantic 
seaboard,  with  a  jealous  mother-country  over-sea 
in  front,  and  hostile  French  and  Indians  in  the 
backwoods  behind,  was  broad,  catholic,  cosmo- 
politan, far-sighted;  the  great  imperial  Republic, 
stretching  from  sea  to  sea,  powerful  and  re- 
spected at  home  and  abroad,  with  nothing  to 
fear  from  anybody,  at  peace  with  all  the  world, 
teaming  with  an  active  and  intelligent  popula- 
tion and  with  the  unbounded  resources  of  a 
continent,  is  narrow,  exclusive,  provincial,  afraid 
of  the  healthy  competition  of  the  world  in 
trade;  shuts  its  ports  as  tight  as  it  can,  as  if 
forsooth  it  could  sell  its  own  surplus  products 


JULY     4,     1893.  15 

without  buying  those  of  the  rest  of  the  world. 
By  what  strange  jugglery  of  historic  forces  has 
a  powerful  nation  voluntarily  and  deliberately 
laid  upon  its  own  neck  a  yoke  which  the  proud 
monarchy  of  England  could  not  maintain  upon 
the  necks  of  the  feeble  and  straggling  colonists, 
and  driven  from  the  sea  its  own  ships  which 
the  Crown  with  the  whole  Royal  l!^avy  could 
not  do  before?  By  what  series  of  steps,  each 
no  doubt  a  logical  and  necessary  one  at  the 
time  when  it  was  taken,  have  we  been  led  to  re- 
verse completely  the  maxim  of  the  founders, 
and,  ourselves,  by  our  own  act,  unaided  and  alone, 
almost  to  "  cut  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of 
the  world"? 

This  is  no  occasion  for  discussing  any  strictly 
political  or  partisan  topic.  On  the  question  of 
protection  and  free  trade,  the  people  of  the 
country  are  divided  into  two  great  opposing 
camps  of  opinion,  equally  honest,  equally  intelli- 
gent, equally  patriotic,  about  equal  in  numbers, 
all  of  them  true  Americans;  as  an  economic 
question  on  which  political  parties  divide  and 
contend,  we  cannot,  and  we  would  not,  discuss 
it  on  our  national  day.  But  if  we  detect  a 
national  tendency  or  trend  of  thought  toward  a 
cardinal  principle  of  the  founders,  a  veering  of 


16  ORATION. 

the  ship  of  state  back  towards  a  course  from 
which  eddies  and  counter-currents,  misleading 
lights  and  darkness  and  the  tempest  of  war, 
had  turned  her,  we  may  note  it  as  we  pass. 

If  there  be  a  single  trait  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race  more  characteristic  of  it  than  its  passionate 
love  of  freedom  and  its  mission  as  a  lawgiver 
and  founder  of  states,  that  trait  is  its  genius  for 
commerce,  its  passion  for  the  romance  of  the 
sea,  its  love  of  the  trackless  ocean  as  the  path- 
way for  the  exchange  of  commodities  between 
the  nations  of  the  world.  It  is  almost  as  cer- 
tain that  an  English-speaking  nation  will  not 
give  up,  except  temporarily  and  in  obedience  to 
some  overruling  necessity  of  the  moment,  its 
unrestrained  freedom  of  trade,  as  it  is  that  it 
will  not  surrender  the  principles  of  Magna  Charta, 
the  Bill  of  Rights,  and  the  Habeas  Corpus. 
The  history  of  foreign  commerce  has  been  the 
history  of  discovery,  of  the  advance  of  civiliza- 
tion, of  the  expanding  brotherhood  and  progress 
of  mankind.  A  manner  of  raising  the  means  for 
carrying  on  goverment  cannot  permanently  pre- 
vail which  has  for  one  of  its  chief  objects  the 
extinction  or  discredit  of  that  very  branch  of 
human  activity  which  has  done  most  to  discover 
new  lands  and  found  new  states,  and  for  the 


JULY     4,     1893.  17 

prosecution  of  which,  with  the  blessings  it  brings 
in  its  train,  human  governments  are  largely  or- 
ganized and  carried  on.  It  would  almost  pass 
human  belief  that  a  shrewd  and  inventive,  as 
well  as  free,  people  should  long  adhere  to  a 
manner  of  raising  their  national  revenue  which 
is  not  only  adverse  to  "  trade  with  all  parts  of 
the  world,"  but  whose  aim  and  tendency  are 
artificially  to  enhance  the  price  of  foreign  arti- 
cles or  similar  ones  produced  here  so  as  to 
make  them  cost  more  to  ourselves  than  they 
otherwise  would. 

Is,  then,  the  high-tariff  system,  which  has  for 
its  object  primarily  not  revenue  but  protection 
against  foreign  products,  being  now  maintained 
by  its  advocates  as  a  finality,  to  be  defended 
as  a  cardinal  principle  and  to  be  fought  for  as 
an  article  of  faith  ;  or  is  their  advocacy  of  it 
merely  from  that  conservative  instinct  which 
seeks  to  avert  all  sudden  and  revolutionary 
change  and  which  ensures  thorough  discussion 
and  gradual  adaptation  of  vested  interests  to 
new  conditions  before  any  change  is  made  ? 
It  seems  to  me  that  the  latter  is  the  case,  and 
that  two  instances,  —  one  from  the  philosophical 
side,  and  one,  very  recent,  from  the  peculiarly 
practical  side,  —  have  a  strong  tendency  to  prove 


18  ORATION. 

that  it  is.  By  the  former  I  mean  our  second 
martyred  chief  magistrate,  who  is  enshrined  in 
the  hearts  of  his  countrymen  as  well  as  im- 
pressed upon  their  minds  as  no  other  deceased 
statesman  of  our  time  is  except  our  first  martyr 
in  the  Presidency.  It  is  well  known  that  Presi- 
dent Garfield,  himself  the  titular  as  well  as  the 
intellectual  leader,  at  the  time,  of  the  party  of 
high  protection,  said  that  all  modifications  of  the 
tariff  should  be  made  with  a  view  to  ultimate 
free  trade,  and  that  every  step  taken  should 
lead  in  that  direction.  My  second  instance  is 
that  of  a  prominent  business  man,  a  representa- 
tive American  in  energy,  thrift,  enterprise,  and 
success  in  the  accumulation  of  wealth,  and  a 
peculiarly  typical  beneficiary  of  the  high  pro- 
tective system.  In  a » recent  interesting  Utopian 
paper  upon  the  proposed  reunion  of  all  the 
English-speaking  nations  of  the  globe  under  one 
government,  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  dwells  upon 
the  free  trade  which  would  practically  result 
from  such  a  confederation  as  one  of  the  chief 
attractions  of  his  plan,  and  says  that  such  man- 
ufacturing interests  throughout  our  land  as  he 
represents  in  his  own  person  would  welcome  the 
change.  I  quote  his  words:  "I  do  not  shut  my 
eyes  to  the  fact  that  reunion,  bringing  free  en- 


JULY     4,     1893.  19 

trance  of  British  products,  would  cause  serious 
disturbance  to  many  manufacturing  interests  near 
the  Atlantic  coast  which  have  been  built  up 
under  the  protective  system.  But,  sensitive  as 
the  American  is  said  to  be  to  the  influence  of 
the  dollar,  there  is  a  chord  in  his  nature  —  the 
patriotic  —  which  is  much  more  sensitive  still. 
Judging  from  my  knowledge  of  the  American 
manufacturers  there  are  few  who  would  not 
gladly  make  the  necessary  pecuniary  sacrifices 
to  bring  about  a  reunion  of  the  old  home  and 
the  new.  There  would  be  some  opposition  of 
course  from  those  pecuniarily  interested,  but  this 
would  be  silenced  by  the  chorus  of  approval 
from  the  people  in  general.  No  private  interests, 
or  interests  of  a  class,  or  of  a  section  of  what 
would  then  be  our  common  country,  would  or 
should  be  allowed  to  obstruct  a  consummation  so 
devoutly  to  be  wished." 

That  is  nobly  spoken,  and  like  a  patriotic 
American.  It  is  true  that  Mr.  Carnegie  proposes 
political  reunion  with  England  and  her  world- 
wide dependencies  as  a  condition  of  establishing 
free  trade,  and  puts  his  proposition  in  the  form 
of  a  concession  to  sentiment.  But  can  the  pe- 
cuniary sacrifice  which  he  and  the  other  spe- 
cially favored  beneficiaries  of  protection  would  be 


20  ORATION. 

willing  to  make  for  mere  sentiment  be,  even 
temporarily,  a  very  serious  one?  It  certainly  is 
the  general  impression  that  those  for  whom  he 
professes  to  speak  are  not,  as  a  class,  prone  to 
give  up  large  material  advantages  for  sentiment 
alone.  Xor  is  it  to  be  supposed  for  a  moment 
that  as  patriotic  American  citizens  Mr.  Carnegie 
and  his  friends  seriously  think  that  the  great 
triumphant  Republic  is  to  gain  much  politically 
either  in  knowledge,  principles,  or  practice,  by 
reunion  with  the  monarchy,  or  that  our  patriotic 
sentiment  could  then  be  of  a  higher  order  than 
the  one  we  now  have  for  the  stars  and  stripes,  or 
command  higher  sacrifices.  The  work  of  the 
fathers,  cemented  and  developed  by  the  sons 
during  the  century,  puts  us  far  in  the  van  of 
the  modern  world  as  the  builders  of  states,  and 
makes  us  stand  towards  the  rest  of  the  world 
as  teachers  rather  than  learners,  as  leaders  rather 
than  followers.  Surely  no  higher  patriotism  can 
be  imagined  than  our  love  for  our  Union,  nor 
one  for  which  greater  sacrifices  should  be  made. 
'Noj  neither  patriotic  sentiment,  nor  the  political 
advantage  to  us  of  the  proposed  confederation, 
can  account  for  the  willingness  to  accept  un- 
restricted trade  or  be  the  real  ground  for  it; 
these  can  be  little  more  than  the  convenient 


JULY     4,     1893.  21 

pretexts,  put  forward  for  consistency's  sake,  to 
make  easier  the  transition  from  a  system  whose 
beneficiaries  themselves  feel  that  the  change  must 
come  before  long,  and  will  in  the  end  be  to  the 
advantage  of  all.  "When  that  change  comes,  — 
whether  sooner  or  later,  in  this  decade,  or  the 
next,  or  the  following,  —  when  the  perplexing 
problem  of  raising  a  nation's  necessary  revenue 
is  reconciled  with  the  great  principle  of  unham- 
pered trade,  when  our  sails  again  whiten  every 
sea  and  our  flag  is  seen  in  every  port,  and  all 
the  good  things  which  the  bounty  of  God  and 
the  skill  and  industry  of  man  can  produce 
throughout  the  earth  are  poured  into  our  laps 
without  hostile  barrier  to  exclude  or  artificial 
enhancement  of  price,  then  will  be  grandly  real- 
ized the  dream  of  the  signers  of  the  great  Dec- 
laration for  "  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  " 
and  the  blessings  that  will  follow  in  its  path. 

Turn  with  me,  for  a  moment,  to  another  im- 
portant problem  of  the  day,  the  government  of 
cities.  Hardly  anything  would,  I  think,  have 
surprised  the  founders  of  the  Republic  more  than 
to  be  told  that  within  a  century  America  would 
become  a  by-word  throughout  the  civilized  world 
for  monstrous  and  even  grotesque  misgovern- 
ment  of  large  cities.  It  is  true  that  they  had 


22  ORATION. 

no  large  cities  themselves  and  had  little  idea  of 
the  enormous  immigration  of  foreigners,  unac- 
quainted with  the  principles  or  practice  of  self- 
government,  which  was  to  pour  in  upon  us  like 
a  Hood  and  settle  down  to  urban  life  in  our 
midst-  but  if  they  had,  they  would  probably  not 
have  expressed  a  doubt,  any  more  than  they 
actually  did,  as  to  the  entire  ability  of  the 
people  to  grapple  promptly  with  the  problem 
as  it  arose  and  solve  it  out  of  hand.  It  was 
taken  for  granted,  as  an  axiom,  that  local  gov- 
ernment would  take  care  of  itself  as  a  matter  oi 
course;  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  erect  the 
colonies  into  States  and  to  unite  the  States  in 
a  strong  and  well-adjusted  federal  bond,  and  the 
whole  work  of  government  was  done.  Many  of  the 
Revolutionary  statesmen  were  profoundly  distrust- 
ful of  the  permanent  success  of  the  Union;  all  had 
misgivings  and  forebodings  lest  the  levelling  de- 
mocracy of  the  masses  or  the  strong  hand  of  the 
usurper  might  ere  long  bring  the  work  of  their 
lives  to  naught;  some  went  to  their  graves, 
even  many  years  after  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution, with  the  thought  weighing  upon  their 
souls  that  the  Union  might  not  long  survive 
the  war  of  factions  and  of  party  passion.  But 
did  one  of  them  even  dream  that,  though  the 


JULY    4,    1893.  23 

splendid  apex  of  the  pyramid,  soaring  to  the 
clouds,  should  stand  the  shock  of  storms  and 
the  wear  of  time  and  grow  only  firmer  and  more 
lustrous  under  both,  that  the  broad,  solid  base 
would  corrode  and  rot  and  the  Avhole  structure 
be  undermined  and  weakened  where  it  was 
through t  to  be  unassailably  strong?  They  fore- 
saw nearly  all  the  dangers  that  in  fact  have 
from  time  to  time  beset  the  federal  Union,  and 
many  which  have  not  arisen  at  all,  but  it 
seems  hardly  to  have  occurred  to  them  that 
trouble  could  arise  at  the  very  homes  and  hearth- 
stones of  the  people,  where  the  citizen  was  close 
at  hand  and  personally  present  to  watch  and 
control  the  course  of  affairs.  Representative 
rule  on  a  large  scale,  at  a  distant  capital,  under 
a  dual  system  of  government,  and  with  a  pop- 
ulation scattered  over  an  immense  territory,  was 
indeed  an  experiment  about  which  they  might 
have  grave  and  anxious  doubts;  but  local  rule 
by  the  people  at  their  own  doors,  —  had  not 
centuries  of  experience  shown  that  honest,  effi- 
cient, and  economical  home-rule  in  local  affairs 
was  the  one  unvarying,  unquestioned  achievement 
of  the  race?  Could  the  time  ever  come  when 
the  ablest  and  most  thoughtful  men  in  the  com- 
munity would  lack  either  the  public  spirit,  the 


24  ORATION. 

ability,  or  the  proper  machinery  of  government 
to  make  themselves  felt  effectively  in  controlling 
the  administration  of  local  affairs,  and  would  sur- 
render it  to  men  seeking  only  their  own  personal 
advantage  at  the  expense  of  the  general  good? 
This  question,  which  our  fathers  had  not  to 
deal  with,  now  confronts  us  as  a  problem  of 
vast  import;  for  nothing  in  the  future  is  surer 
than  the  continued  growth  in  number  and 
population  of  our  large  cities,  and  far  the 
greater  number  of  points  at  which  government 
touches  the  pocket  or  the  person  of  the  citizen 
must  always  be  in  the  matters  of  municipal, 
rather  than  of  state  or  national,  administration. 
The  success  of  state  and  national  government, 
too,  is  inevitably  at  stake,  in  the  long  run,  on 
the  success  of  municipal  government,  for  if  the 
trunk  is  girdled  at  the  base  it  cannot  be  long 
before  the  tree  with  its  blossoms,  its  fruit,  and 
its  gracious  shade  will  fall.  Already  we  have 
seen  in  some  parts  of  our  country  the  corrupt 
political  machinery  of  great  cities  controlling  and 
debauching  the  administration  of  States,  and  in 
one  case  at  least  reaching  out  defiantly,  and  not 
without  prospect  of  success,  to  seize  the  Presi- 
dency itself.  If  we  fail  in  local  self-government 
the  whole  experiment  of  democracy  ultimately 


JULY     4,     1893.  25 

fails.  We  may  turn  at  times  to  the  State  for 
purification  and  relief  in  local  administration,  but 
it  is  obvious  that  such  resort  can  be  only  tem- 
porary and  transient.  The  fountain  can  rise  no 
higher  than  its  source,  and  if  local  sources  are 
polluted  it  can  only  be  a  short  time  before  the 
main  stream  becomes  helplessly  impure.  The 
State,  as  the  creator  of  corporations,  furnishes 
the  legal  machinery  and  modifies  it  from  time 
to  time  as  needed,  but  it  can,  in  the  long  run, 
do  no  more,  and  in  any  healthy  condition  of 
public  affairs  the  administration  of  local  affairs 
must  be  by  local  authorities  responsible  to  a 
local  constituency  which  jealously  watches  and 
sternly  enforces  that  responsibility.  Thus,  and 
not  otherwise,  can  our  whole  political  system  be 
kept  sound  at  the  core  ;  and  so  long  as  the 
core  is  sound  —  and  so  long  only  —  will  the 
tree  flourish.  Only  very  sparingly,  upon  the 
simplest  possible  lines,  in  accordance  with  the 
fundamental  principles  of  home-rule,  and  when 
the  need  of  change  is  clear,  should  the  inter- 
vention of  the  State  be  exercised  or  invoked  in 
altering  city  charters  ;  otherwise  popular  confi- 
dence is  shaken,  our  self-reliance  is  weakened, 
popular  indifference  follows,  new,  complicated, 
and  unfamiliar  machinery  furnishes  designing 


26  ORATION. 

men  their  opportunity,  and  then  the  worm  is  at 
the  root,  and  the  blight  must  spread  upward. 
When  we  have  adapted  our  city  governments  in 
principle  and  in  general  form  to  that  of  our 
confessedly  successful  national  government,  —  a 
single  responsible  executive  elected  by  the 
people,  and  a  large  and  independent  legislative 
as  broadly  representative  of  the  whole  people 
as  it  is  practicable  to  make  it,  set  over  against 
each,  other  with  carefully  distinguished  separate 
functions  assigned  to  each,  and  have  arranged 
the  administrative  machinery  in  the  simplest  way 
under  the  executive  head,  the  State  has  done 
all  it  can,  except  in  the  perfection  and  modi- 
fication of  details,  to  help  us.  The  rest  lies 
with  the  people  themselves  in  their  several 
localities,  and  the  thorough  and  constant  educa- 
tion of  the  people  in  the  art  of  strictly  local 
self-government  is  the  national,  as  well  as  local, 
work  before  us  ;  for  it  is  forever  and  unalter- 
ably the  theory  and  the  corner-stone  of  republi- 
can government  that  we  are  governed  from 
below  upward,  and  that  all  our  government, 
like  charity,  begins  at  home. 

It  is  worse  than  folly,  it  is  suicide,  to  play 
the  pessimist  and  say  that  the  problem  of  mak- 
ing cities  govern  themselves  well  is  hopeless. 


JULY*,    1893.  27 

The  highest  intelligence,  the  best  education,  the 
most  enlightened  public  spirit,  the  most  active 
and  thoughtful  philanthropy,  the  highest  busi- 
ness capacity  and  executive  ability,  are  all  of 
them  concentrated  in  cities,  as  well  as  the 
worst  ignorance,  folly,  and  vice.  Nowhere  can 
a  sound  public  opinion  form  and  organize  so 
easily,  spread  so  quickly,  and  act  so  effectively 
through  the  press  and  otherwise  as  in  our  cities, 
and  nowhere  are  reform  movements  of  all  kinds 
so  often  and  so  successfully  inaugurated.  "We 
are  certainly  familiar  enough  with  this  in  Bos- 
ton. Have  we  not  recently  seen  our  own  city 
government  put  upon  the  statute  book,  and 
keep  there,  a  pioneer  enactment  in  this  Com- 
monwealth, if  not  in  the  country,  which  strikes 
at  the  very  heart  of  the  spoils  system  by  for- 
bidding the  participation  of  municipal  officers  in 
the  machinery  of  political  parties,  a  reform  which 
must  soon  be  adopted  for  all  other  cities  and 
towns?  And  is  it  not  at  this  moment  a  sub- 
ject for  patriotic  pride  that  our  city,  under  the 
lead  of  its  chief  magistrate,  and  our  Common- 
wealth by  the  action  of  its  Legislature,  have  just 
struck  a  telling  and  significant  blow  at  that 
corporate  encroachment  upon  the  fair  rights  of 
the  people,  which  is  one  of  the  worst  and  sub- 


28  ORATION. 

tlest  dangers  of  the  time,  as  of  yore  our  fathers 
struck  at  the  Stamp  Act  and  the  Tea  Tax?  If 
the  powers  of  evil  are  concentrated  and  organ- 
ized in  cities  as  nowhere  else,  so  also  are  the 
powers  of  good,  and  nowhere  can  the  battle  be- 
tween the  two  be  fought  out  to  so  great  advan- 
tage ;  for  the  battlefield  is  at  our  very  doors 
and  all  can  reach  it  and  act  upon  it,  in  one 
way  or  another,  at  the  minimum  of  trouble  and 
expense.  Our  cities,  as  centres  of  the  highest 
education  and  intelligence,  should  become  our 
very  best  models  of  good  government  instead  of 
the  reverse  ;  their  misgovernment,  where  it  has 
not  been  already  corrected,  can  be  only  a  tem- 
porary and  transition  state,  destined  to  pass  grad- 
ually away  as  we  face  and  grapple  with  the 
conditions  of  the  problem. 

But  how  shall  it  be  done?  How  shall  the 
ignorance  and  inertia  of  the  great  mass  of  the 
people  in  regard  to  municipal  government  be 
overcome,  and  the  seemingly  irresistible  enginery 
erected  by  sinister  forces  to  turn  local  govern- 
ment largely  to  their  own  personal  account  be 
destroyed  or  counteracted?  How  shall  fraud, 
jobbery,  and  waste  be  prevented,  and  the  people 
everywhere  get  a  full  and  honest  return  for 
every  dollar  they  pay  in  taxes?  Let  us  disa- 


JULY    4,    1893.  29 

buse  ourselves  of  all  illusion  or  fatuity  on  this 
subject.  There  is  and  can  be  no  simple  and  com- 
fortable answer  to  these  questions;  no  patent 
device  for  attaining  our  end;  no  short  cut  to 
the  goal  we  aim  at.  Nothing  but  a  long, 
patient,  intelligent  struggle  will  accomplish  that 
end,  or  maintain  it  after  it  is  reached.  The 
fight  must  go  on  forever  as  our  cities  grow; 
we  can  do  little  more,  by  legislation  and  polit- 
ical organization,  than  forge  better  weapons, 
establish  better  discipline  in  the  ranks,  and  main- 
tain better  outposts  to  prevent  surprise  and  dis- 
aster; it  remains  for  us  still  to  make  every 
citizen  a  good  soldier.  When  we  have  done  all 
that  we  can  to  get  simple  and  effective  munic- 
ipal machinery  that  shall  respond  as  quickly 
and  fully  as  may  be  to  public  opinion;  when 
we  have  developed  the  forces  and  means  of 
expression  of  that  public  opinion  to  their  utmost; 
when  we  have  done  our  best  to  get  good  men 
into  office  and  to  keep  them  there,  and  to  keep 
bad  men  out;  when  we  have  purified  the  ballot 
and  emancipated  the  civil  service  from  the  spoils- 
man, we  have  done  much,  and  we  must  keep  on 
doing  it;  but  we  have  not  touched  the  root  of 
the  matter  nor  applied,  scientifically,  either  the 
necessary  diagnosis  or  the  final  remedy. 


30  ORATION. 

It  is  a  part  of  the  inevitable  logic  of  popular 
government  that  when  it  fails  conspicuously  at  any 
point  the  disease  must  be  one  in  the  people  as  a 
whole.  In  the  particular  matter  of  local  govern- 
ment it  is  obvious  that  our  borders  have  so  far 
filled  up  already  —  to  say  nothing  of  the  future  — 
that  we  can  no  longer  run  for  luck,  nor  go  by  rule 
of  thumb,  nor  trust  wholly  to  the  inspiration  of  the 
moment,  or  to  the  spasmodic  or  periodic  uprisings 
of  good  men  against  misrule,  or  even  to  the 
educational  influence  upon  municipal  representa- 
tives and  officers  of  public  responsibility  itself 
and  of  a  free  and  vigilant  public  press.  The 
foundations  must  be  laid  broad  and  deep,  if 
reform  is  to  be  thorough  and  permanent  and 
city  government  is  to  approach  our  ideal.  The 
process  can  be  no  other  than  the  slow,  modest, 
painstaking,  unsensational  one  of  systematic 
school  education.  In  a  democracy,  the  boy's  mind 
must,  at  the  plastic  age,  be  supplied  with  the 
rudiments  of  that  science  and  art  of  government 
which  he  as  a  responsible  sovereign  is  shortly  to 
apply  and  practise,  and  above  all,  the  correct 
point  of  view  towards  government  must  be 
indelibly  impressed  upon  his  mind  and  heart. 
Something  is  already  done  in  the  public  schools 
in  this  line,  chiefly  with  reference  to  the  Con- 


JULY     4,     1893.  31 

stitution  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State; 
but  if  a  boy  may  well  learn  something  about 
the  duties  and  functions  of  the  President,  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  the  Senators  and 
members  of  Congress,  shall  he  be  taught  nothing 
about  those  of  town-meetings  and  selectmen,  ol 
county  commissioners  and  surveyors  of  highways, 
of  the  mayor,  the  departments,  and  the  city  coun- 
cil of  his  own  city?  Shall  he  learn  about  the 
secretaries  of  State,  War,  and  the  ^sTavy,  the 
treaty-making  power,  and  the  appointment  and 
duties  of  foreign  ministers  and  counsels  and  the 
justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  not  about 
the  great  departments  which  protect  his  young 
life  from  violence,  fire,  disease,  and  accident, 
make  his  home,  and  the  streets,  parks,  and 
playgrounds  safe  and  attractive  for  him,  and 
maintain  the  schools  that  educate  him?  Which 
of  the  two  touches  him  nearest  and  most  directly? 
Which  will  first  confront  him  when  he  is  a 
voter,  and  is  responsible  for  the  wise  and  in- 
telligent discharge  of  the  duties  of  a  citizen, 
and  which  is  his  young  mind  capable  of  under- 
standing most  easily  and  studying  to  the  best 
advantage?  Which  really,  and  for  all  practical 
purposes,  has  most  to  do  with  his  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness?  If  taught  with 


32  ORATION. 

as  little  theory  and  with  as  much  practical 
description  as  possible,  which  will  be  the  most 
interesting  to  the  boy?  Why,  in  a  few  years, 
should  not  the  very  best  of  men  for  nearly 
every  grade  of  municipal  representative  and 
employee  be  sought  and  found  specially  equipped 
for  most  of  their  work  in  the  graduates  of  our 
schools?  'Why  should  not  they  have  the  honor- 
able ambition  as  well  as  the  conscious  ability 
to  do  good  municipal  service  however  humble, 
and  why  should  not  the  intelligent  watchfulness 
of  the  great  body  of  the  voters  over  public 
servants  be  immeasurably  increased  by  the  same 
means?  This  strong  leaven  would  soon  pervade 
the  whole  body  politic  and  improvement  would 
be  steady.  To  take  an  extreme,  perhaps  a  fan- 
ciful, case, —  the  boys  who  were  in  the  schools 
of  New  York  when  the  Tweed  regime  was  ex- 
posed and  overthrown,  and  even  those  that 
were  born  during  the  next  two  or  three  years 
are  now  voters.  If  they  and  all  that  have  been 
in  those  schools  had  been  systematically  in- 
structed in  the  principles  and  some  of  the 
details  of  municipal  government,  impressed  with 
its  importance  for  the  well-being  of  human 
society,  and  taught  the  duty  of  a  voter,  would 
not  the  prospects  of  that  corruption-ridden  city 


JULY    4,    1893.  33 

be,  by  this  time,  much  less  dark  than  they  now 
are?  And  in  what  other  way  are  they  likely 
ever  to  become  materially  and  permanently 
brighter? 

We  have  reached  the  point  where  the  public 
school  and  the  private  school  and  the  institution 
of  higher  learning  must  everywhere  take  in  hand 
vigorously  and  systematically  the  education  of 
the  future  voter  in  the  duties  of  citizenship 
in  a  free  self-governing  Republic,  and  at  the 
very  head  of  the  list,  because  hitherto  almost 
wholly  neglected,  because  easiest  for  youth  to 
understand,  and  because  most  vital  and  funda- 
mental, I  would  put  the  duty  of  the  voter  and 
of  the  local  officer  to  his  city  or  town.  Until 
we  raise  the  rudiments  of  municipal  government 
to  that  dignity  we  are  rejecting  the  stone  which 
should  be  the  head  of  the  corner  and  on  which 
the  whole  fabric  must  eventually  rest;  while 
from  the  educational  point  of  view  we  are,  in 
the  instruction  of  our  youth,  putting  aside  in 
this  connection  the  concrete,  the  practical,  the 
close  at  hand,  the  easily  comprehensible,  and 
teaching  only  the  abstract,  the  theoretic,  the 
remote,  and  to  the  young  mind  largely  the  un- 
intelligible. The  public  school,  especially,  should, 
with  its  other  duties,  be  the  kindergarten  of  the 


34  ORATION. 

young  citizen,  and  its  object-lessons  should  be 
taken  from  the  home,  the  street,  the  playground, 
the  public  works  and  buildings,  and  the  school 
itself. 

But  we  should  add  to  that,  —  what  I  have 
already  alluded  to  as  still  more  important,  — 
instruction,  or  rather  influence,  as  to  the  point 
of  view  from  which  the  youth  should  look  at 
the  city  or  town  in  which  he  is  shortly  to 
assume  the  responsible  duty  of  citizenship.  We 
should  inculcate  the  fundamental  idea  of  citizen- 
ship, and  of  public  office  as  a  trust  as  sacred 
and  inviolable  as  that  between  man  and  man  or 
boy  and  boy.  We  should  use  every  means  to 
build  up  in  the  youth  of  our  cities  a  sentiment 
which,  for  lack  of  a  better  name,  I  will  call 
municipal  patriotism  or  loyalty.  The  imagina- 
tion must  be  touched  and  appealed  to,  and  the 
city  of  his  home  should  be  idealized  and  per- 
sonified to  him,  as  his  country  already  is,  so 
that  he  shall  not  go  out  into  life  with  the  idea 
that  the  government  of  his  city  is  an  impersonal 
foreign  corporation,  naturally  oppressive  and  hos- 
tile to  his  interests;  which  it  is  nobody's  busi- 
ness to  serve  and  protect;  and  which  is  fair 
game  for  everybody  to  get  what  he  can  out  of. 
He  should  be  made  to  feel,  when  an  ingenuous, 


JULY    4,    1893.  35 

impressionable  boy  at  school,  that  the  city  is 
his  parent  to  whom  he  owes  a  filial  and  a  loyal 
service  as  he  does  to  the  flag  of  his  country;  that 
to  wrong  her  or  let  anybody  else  do  so  is  as 
despicable  as  to  rob  his  sister,  or  brother,  or 
neighbor;  that  it  is  a  proud  and  honorable  duty 
to  render  her  the  slightest  faithful  service.  Let 
the  germs  of  civic  pride  be  planted  in  the  re- 
sponsive young;  let  every  patriotic  chord  of 
history,  of  legend,  of  personal  deeds,  of  civic, 
military,  and  literary  tradition,  be  touched  and 
played  upon;  let  historic  spots  with  great  or 
memorable  associations  be  visited  and  their  story 
told,  retold,  and  explained,  until  an  honorable 
local  pride  and  ambition  springs  up  that  shall 
inspire  and  elevate  the  character  of  the  growing 
citizen.  There  is  certainly  no  municipality  in 
the  land  where  this  homely  but  important  part 
of  a  civic  training  could  be  so  well  inaugurated  or 
so  fruitfully  carried  out  as  in  our  own  historic 
city,  and  with  the  youth  that  yearly  swarm  by 
thousands  into  her  hospitable  schools;  but  there 
is  hardly  a  city  or  town  in  the  land  where  it 
cannot  now  be  done,  not  one  where  it  cannot 
be  done  soon  in  these  fast-moving  days. 

The  grave  difficulties  thrown  around  the  problem 
of   municipal    government,    and,    indirectly,    of    all 


36  ORATION. 

government,  by  our  inpouring  foreign  population 
lead  me  to  say  a  word  about  the  question  of 
immigration  before  I  sit  down.  If  foreign  trade 
and  local  self-rule  are  two  of  the  most  marked 
natural  characteristics  of  our  race,  hardly  less  so 
is  our  almost  unlimited  capacity  for  the  absorp- 
tion and  assimilation  of  other  races  and  the 
transformation  of  them  into  our  own  general 
type.  Proud  of  our  apparent  mission  to  furnish 
a  free  asylum  to  the  unfortunate  and  oppressed, 
and  a  fair  field  to  the  enterprising,  of  all  races 
and  climes,  and  conscious  of  the  strength  and 
elasticity  of  our  institutions  and  of  our  social 
order,  we  seem  almost  blind  to  the  dangers  at- 
tending unrestricted  immigration  from  across  the 
Atlantic,  while  we  exaggerate  those  from  the 
direction  of  the  Pacific.  No  thoughtful  man 
would  probably  deny  that  a  far  greater  strain 
has  been  put  upon  our  institutions  by  the  An- 
archists of  Chicago,  the  Mafia  of  New  Orleans, 
and  the  Tammany  of  New  York,  than  by  a  few 
thousand  harmless,  peaceable  Chinese  laborers 
scattered  over  the  land.  As  between  the  indus- 
trious and  thrifty  Mongolian  laundry-man  and 
the  hoodlums  of  whatever  race  extraction  who 
stone  him  because  he  is  less  afraid  of  work, 
and  less  extortionate  in  his  charge  for  it,  than 


JULY    4,     1893.  37 

they  themselves  are,  who  can  hesitate  in  his 
choice?  Cheap  labor,  if  of  good  quality  and 
accompanied  with  thrift,  decency,  and  good  citi- 
zenship, is  like  cheap  goods,  an  unmixed  boon, 
both  moral  and  material,  which  should  be  en- 
couraged and  invited  by  every  civilized  nation. 
Yet  all  other  foreign  elements  come  to  us  almost 
without  let  or  hindrance  and  seem  likely  to  con- 
tinue to  do  so,  while  we  work  ourselves  into  a 
panic  about  the  Chinese,  erect  barriers  against 
their  coming,  and  even  propose  forcibly  to 
deport  those  that  are  here. 

I  would  not  be  understood  as  belittling  the 
possible  dangers  of  extensive  Chinese  immigra- 
tion; on  the  contrary,  I  have  a  very  strong 
feeling  of  sympathy  with  our  fellow-citizens  of 
the  Pacific  slope.  "We  live  in  a  glass  house 
that  makes  it  unsafe  for  us  to  throw  many 
stones  at  them.  They  may  well  ask  us  when 
we  are  going  to  level  our  Chinese  tariff-wall 
erected  against  harmless  necessary  coats,  blankets, 
and  cotton  cloths,  coal,  iron,  wool,  and  salt  be- 
fore we  open  the  flood-gates  of  Mongolian  im- 
migration upon  their  defenceless  heads.  We 
must  remember  that  they  stand  in  the  vanguard, 
upon  the  very  picket-line,  of  the  great  advance 
of  European  civilization  westward  towards  the 


38  ORATION. 

Orient.  Across  the  broad,  but  ever-narrowing, 
Pacific,  they  gaze  towards  the  restless,  inscrut- 
able, uncounted  millions  of  Asia,  alien,  even 
antipodal,  to  us  in  race,  religion,  and  civiliza- 
tion. They  stand  face  to  face  with  the  same 
eternal  Eastern  Question  which  for  twenty-five 
centuries  has  confronted  Europe.  What  the 
Persian  hosts  were  to  Greece,  what  the  Cartha- 
ginian armies  were  to  Rome,  what  the  Moors 
were  to  Spain,  what  the  Ottoman  Empire  was 
and  is  to  Eastern  Europe,  that  the  Chinese  are, 
or  seem,  to  our  friends  in  California. 

The  resemblance  may  appear  fanciful  to  us.  We 
may  feel  that  no  sane  man  can  see  anything  in 
the  mild-mannered,  industrious,  law-abiding  Chinese 
coming,  even  in  large  numbers,  to  our  shores, 
at  all  like  the  armed  hosts  of  Darius  and  Xerxes 
at  ThermopylaB  and  Marathon,  the  Punic  legions 
bringing  the  Roman  State  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  the 
fierce  Moslem  hordes  of  Saracens  and  Turks  over- 
running south-western  and  south-eastern  Europe 
with  fire  and  sword  and  thundering  at  the  very 
gates  of  Vienna.  But  the  resemblance  is  closer 
than  we  think.  It  has  not  been  Avar,  in  itself,  that 
has  so  long  made  the  Eastern  Question  menac- 
ing for  Europe.  On  the  contrary,  war  has  often 
been  the  instrument  for  spreading  the  highest 


JULY     4,     1893.  39 

civilization.  It  was  by  war,  and  war  alone,  that 
Roman  civilization  was  carried  into  Northern 
Europe,  that  Gorman  civilization  was  carried  into 
Britain,  that  English  civilization  was  spread  over 
our  own  continent,  displacing  the  native  inhabi- 
tants. Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  does  the  fact 
that  the  Chinese  immigration  is  so  peaceful  and 
quiet  make  it  necessarily  harmless.  We  should 
not  forget  that,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  the 
peaceful  importation  by  some  traders  of  a  few 
shiploads  of  African  slaves  brought  the  Ameri- 
can Republic  nearer  to  dissolution  and  ruin  than 
the  African  phalanx  of  Hannibal  —  the  veterans 
of  a  hundred  fights,  under  a  leader  fired  by  an 
intense  and  lofty  patriotism,  and  himself  the  most 
brilliant  and  indomitable  captain  of  the  ages  — 
could  bring  the  Republic  of  Rome.  No;  whether 
the  Oriental  comes  with  sword  and  spear  or 
with  flatiron  and  pick  it  is  himself,  his  habits, 
his  religion,  and  his  social  order  that  have  ever 
been  the  stumbling-block,  not  the  manner  of 
his  coming.  An  alien  race  in  our  midst,  with 
us  but  not  of  us,  is  an  inevitable  peril  to  a 
government  and  to  a  social  order  in  which  all 
are  to  participate  as  sovereigns  and  as  equals. 
In  Europe,  as  with  us,  it  has  been  the  radical 
difference  of  race  and  civilization  in  each  case 


40  ORATION. 

which  has  made  the  danger,  —  a  danger  in- 
stinctively felt  rather  than  clearly  reasoned  out, 
but  almost  equally  deep  in  each  case. 

We   must   free   our   minds    from    cant    in    both 
directions    on    this    question  ;    from    the    cant    of 
the   mere   humanitarian    and   theorizer   as    well    as 
from    that    of    the    demagogue    of    the    sand-lots. 
We    may    overwhelm    a    petty    Geary    Act    with 
our  ridicule   and   contempt,  as  it   richly  deserves  ; 
but    let    us    not    be    led     away    in     our     philan- 
thropic   zeal     so    far    as     to    deny    the    right    of 
government,    when     not     precluded     by     its    own 
treaties,   to    limit     or    forbid    the    immigration    of 
aliens   or   their  deportation   after   they  have  immi- 
grated.    No  more  vital    and  fundamental  principle 
underlies     all    government    than    this     right,    and 
no    sounder   or    more    salutary   decision    has    ever 
been     rendered    by    the     Supreme    Court    of   the 
United   States  than   its   recent   vindication    of    our 
right    as    a    nation    to   protect    our  borders    from 
undesirable  immigration  and  preserve  from  danger 
what   we  have    already  achieved   in  building   up  a 
government     and     a    social    order.     It    would    be 
well   for   us    if    the     whole    pestilent    and    blood- 
stained   horde    of    Anarchists,    for    instance,   had 
never   been   allowed    to    enter   the    country,    or    if 
they   should   be    deported    now  as   public    enemies 


JULY    •*,    1893.  41 

with  the  recreant  Governor  of  Illinois  at  their 
head.  They  are  outlaws,  •  and  have  no  place  in 
the  American  Commonwealth. 

The  extent  and  manner  in  which  such  right  shall 
be  exercised  will  always  be  a  delicate  question,  and 
the  test  must  always  be  the  purely  practical  one 
of  expediency.  The  question  must  be,  at  any 
given  moment,  Have  we  so  digested  and  assimi- 
lated what  we  have  got  that  we  can  receive  more 
without  imperilling  the  results  which  it  is  the 
mission  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  to  accomplish? 
And  in  answering  it  we  should  take  counsel 
exclusively  neither  of  our  over-confidence  nor  of 
our  fears  ;  neither  of  our  humane  desire  to  give 
a  home  to  all  the  sons  of  men  and  our  com- 
mercial zeal  to  develop  rapidly  our  material 
resources  on  the  one  hand,  nor  of  mere  prej- 
udice against  foreign  races  on  the  other.  Our 
destiny  as  a  place  of  refuge  and  a  home  for 
mankind  is  indeed  a  noble  one,  and  the  right 
of  asylum  should  never  be  denied  to  purely 
political  refugees  from  other  nations  ;  but  we 
can  be  such  a  home  only  so  long  and  so  far 
as  we  preserve  intact  and  secure  those  distinc- 
tive features  which  first  irresistibly  drew  and 
still  draw  towards  our  hospitable  shores  the  wan- 
dering footsteps  of  all  the  races  of  mankind. 


42  ORATION. 

This  question  is  peculiarly  one  to  be  con- 
sidered and  acted  upon,  so  far  as  may  be, 
in  the  clear,  cold  light  of  reason  unclouded  by 
either  sentiment,  fear,  or  prejudice  ;  and  such 
check  should  be  unflinchingly  applied  to  immi- 
gration as  shall  keep  us  always  well  within  the 
danger-line.  At  the  present  moment  it  would 
seem  that  we  have  decidedly  less  restraint  than 
is  desirable  upon  immigration  from  Europe,  and 
that  greater  caution  is  needed.  "We  have  been 
too  hospitable  to  the  anarchist,  the  nihilist,  the 
socialist,  the  dynamiter.  We  gamble  with  our 
birthright.  We  have  probably  erred  in  the 
opposite  direction  of  too  much  restriction  and 
exclusion  with  regard  to  the  Chinese.  But  who 
shall  say  ?  Is  there  not  apparently  a  natural 
law  in  the  movement  of  races  almost  as  fixed 
and  immutable  as  the  law  of  the  tides  and 
the  planets,  which  carries  us  westward  and 
carries  no  Asiatic  race  eastward  ?  Can  we  help 
mingling  a  little  Oriental  fatalism  with  our 
reason,  on  this  topic  ?  Is  it  not  almost  mani- 
fest destiny  that  the  slumbering  but  volcanic 
millions  of  Asia  shall  not  be  allowed  to  move 
in  our  direction,  but  rather  that  our  civilization, 
moving  chiefly  from  our  own  shores,  from  Japan, 
from  Australia,  from  India,  shall  in  time  pene- 


JULY    4-,    1893.  43 

trate  the  heart  of  Asia  and  transform  even  that 
stronghold  of  human  conservatism,  the  birthplace 
and  nursery  of  the  races,  into  the  form  and 
figure  of  our  modern  life  ?  Nay  more  ;  shall 
we  not  in  our  westward  course  take  darkest 
Russia  in  reverse,  and  cause  the  glad  light  of 
freedom  to  penetrate  the  cruel  fastnesses  of  Si- 
beria, and  the  advancing  banners  of  democracy 
to  enter  even  the  gloomy  fortress  of  Muscovite 
despotism?  Who  shall  say  what  even  another 
short  century  may  bring  forth,  and  can  our 
destiny  have  been  fulfilled  in  merely  reaching 
the  Pacific  shores  ? 

Our  patriotism  is  bathed  in  a  warmer  light, 
our  national  pride  is  touched  with  a  finer  fire, 
in  this  Columbian  year  than  at  other  times. 
The  nations  of  the  world  are  our  guests  ;  their 
stately  navies  and  ours  ride  tranquilly  at  anchor 
in  our  spacious  harbors  and  salute  each  other 
in  harmony  and  good- will  ;  we  feel  as  never 
before  the  universal  brotherhood  of  mankind. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  has  indeed  displaced  the 
Spaniard  in  the  leadership  of  that  mighty  west- 
ward movement  of  trade,  conversion,  and  civil- 
ization, toAvard  Asia  Avhich  the  great  Genoese 
navigator  inaugurated  and  which  has  been  for  a 
time  interrupted  by  his  discovery  of  our  inter- 


44  ORATION. 

vening  continent  ;  but  the  Spaniard,  the  Italian, 
the  Frenchman,  the  German,  all  the  races  of 
mankind,  are  sharers  with  us  in  it  and  con- 
tributors to  its  completeness.  Our  present  task 
is  the  peopling  and  transformation  of  this  con- 
tinent ;  but  our  final  calling  is  to  press  ever 
onward  and  outward  beyond  the  westward 
horizon. 

As  we  meet  on  this  our  natal  day  to  take 
note  of  our  bearings,  of  the  rocks  and  shoals 
surrounding  our  course,  the  night  of  uncertainty 
sometimes  seems  starless.  But  it  is  always 
darkest  just  before  the  dawn  ;  and  if  we  were 
asked  to-day,  with  the  difficulties  before  us 
which  we  have  been  considering  together,  what 
the  special  mission  of  our  race,  in  the  democ- 
ratizing of  the  world  was  likely  in  the  near 
future  to  be,  I  think  we  might  well  say  it  was 
the  emancipation  of  foreign  trade  ;  the  indefinite 
expansion  and  improvement  of  free  local  self- 
government,  especially  in  large  cities  ;  the  friendly 
absorption  and  assimilation  of  other  races  into 
our  own  law-abiding  image,  tempered  always 
by  the  stern  censorship  of  common  sense  upon 
the  question  of  immigration,  and  by  a  dash  of 
superstition  at  the  point  where  our  youngest 
civilization  touches  the  oldest  in  the  world. 


JULY    4,    1893.  45 

With  this  noble  mission  and  its  responsibilities 
always  in  mind,  with  a  national  type  ever  slowly 
changing,  developing,  and  improving,  yet  ever 
the  same  in  the  essential  points  of  character 
and  institutions,  adopting  and  retaining  such 
traits  of  other  races  as  will  enrich,  vary,  and 
enliven  our  own  Anglo-Saxon  heritage  without 
imperiling  it,  and  no  others,  we  may  feel  on 
each  annual  recurrence  of  this  day  —  forever 
the  foremost  one  in  our  calendar  —  that  there 
is  no  limit  to  the  worlds  yet  remaining  for  us 
to  conquer  or  to  the  latent  genius  of  our 
people  for  peacefully  conquering  them. 


A    LIST 


BOSTON    MUNICIPAL    ORATORS, 


BY    C.    W.    ERNST. 


BOSTON     ORATORS. 

APPOINTED  BY  THE  MUNICIPAL  AUTHORITIES. 


For  the  Anniversary   of  the   Boston   M<ts?ta<:/-t\   JfurcJi  5,  1770. 

NOTE.  —  The  Fifth-of -March  orations  were  published  in  handsome  quarto  editions,  now 
very  scarce;  also,  collected  in  book  form,  in  17S5,  and  again  in  1807.  The  oration  of  1776 
was  delivered  in  Watertown. 

1771. — LOVELL,  JAMES. 

1772.  —  WARREN,  JOSEPH. 

1773.  —  CHURCH,  BENJAMIN. 

1774.  —  HANCOCK,  JOHN." 

1775.  —  WARREN,  JOSEPH. 

1776.  —  THACHER,  PETER. 

1777.  —  HIGHBORN,  BENJAMIN. 

1778.  —  AUSTIN,  JONATHAN  WILLIAMS. 
1779. — TUDOR,  WILLIAM. 

1780.  —  MASON,  JONATHAN,  JUN. 

1781.  — DAWES,  THOMAS,  JUN. 

1782.  —  MINOT,  GEORGE  RICHARDS. 

1783.  —  WELSH,  THOMAS. 


For  the  Anniversary  of  National  Independence,   July  4,  1776. 

NOTE.  —  A  collected  edition,  or  a  full  collection,  of  these  orations  has  not  been  made. 
For  the  names  of  the  orators,  as  officially  printed  on  the  title  pages  of  the  orations,  see 
the  Municipal  Register  of  1890. 

1783.  —  WARREN,  JoiiN.1 

1784.  —  HIGHBORN,  BENJAMIN. 

•  Reprinted  in  Newport,  R.I.,  1774,  8vo.,  19  pp. 

1  Reprinted  in  Warren's  Life.  The  orations  of  17S3  to  1786  were  published  in  large 
quarto;  the  oration  of  1787  appeared  in  octavo;  the  oration  of  1783  was  printed  in  small 
quarto;  all  succeeding  orations  appeared  in  octavo,  with  the  exceptions  stated  under  1863 
and  1876. 


50  APPENDIX. 

1785.  —  GARDINER,  JOHN. 
1786. — AUSTIN,  JONATHAN  LOSING. 
1787.  —  DAAVES,  THOMAS,  JIN. 
1738.  — OTIS,  HARRISON  GRAY. 

1789.  —  STILLMAN,  SAMUEL. 

1790.  —  GRAY,  EDWARD. 

1791.  —  CRAFTS,  THOMAS,  JUN. 

1792.  —  BLAKE,  JOSEPH,  JUN.Z 

1793.  —  ADAMS,  JOHN  QuiNCY.2 

1794.  —  PHILLIPS,  JOHN. 

1795.  —  BLAKE,  GEORGE. 

1796.  —  LATHROP,  JOHN,  JUN. 

1797.  —  CALLENDER,  JOHN. 

1798.  —  QUINCY,  JosiAH.2' 3 

1799.  —  LOWELL,  JOHN.  JUN."' 

1800.  —  HALL,  JOSEPH. 

1801.  —  PAINE,  CHARLES. 

1802.  —  EMERSON,  WILLIAM. 

1803.  —  SULLIVAN,  WILLIAM. 

1804.  —  DANFORTH,  THOMAS.* 

1805.  —  BUTTON ,  WARREN. 

1806.  —  CHANNING,  FRANCIS  DANA.' 

1807.  —  THACIIER,  PETER.2- 5 

1808.  —  RITCHIE,  ANDREW,  JUN.* 

1809.  —  TUDOR,  WILLIAM,  JUN.S 

1810.  —  TOWNSEND,  ALEXANDER. 

1811.  —  SAVAGE,  JAMES. ! 


1  Passed  to  a  second  edition. 

*  Delivered  another  oration  in  1826.    Quincy's  oration  of  1798  was  reprinted  in  Phila- 
delphia. 

*  Not  printed. 

0  On  February  26,  1811,  Peter  Thacher's  name  was  changed  to  Peter  Oxenbridge 
Thacber.  (List  of  Peraons  whose  Names  have  been  Changed  in  Massachusetts,  1780-1883, 
p.  23.) 


APPENDIX.  51 

1812.  —  POLLARD,  BENJAMIN/ 

1813.  —  LIVERMORE,  EDWARD    ST.  LOE. 

1814.  —  WHITWELL,  BENJAMIN. 

1815.  —  SHAW,  LEMUEL. 

1816.  —  SULLIVAN,  GEORGE.2 

1817.  —  CHANNING,  EDWARD   TYRREL. 

1818.  —  GRAY,  FRANCIS  GALLEY. 

1819.  —  DEXTER,  FRANKLIN. 

1820.  —  LYMAN,  THEODORE,  JUN. 

1821.  —  LORING,  CHARLES   GREELY.* 

1822.  —  GRAY,  JOHN   CHIPMAN. 

1823.  —  CURTIS,  CHARLES   PELHAM.Z 

1824.  —  BASSETT,  FRANCIS. 

1825.  —  SPRAGCE,  CHARLES.6 

1826.  —  QUINCY,   JosiAH.7 

1827.  —  MASON,   WILLIAM   POWELL. 
1*28.  —  SUMNER,  BRADFORD. 

1829.  —  AUSTIN,  JAMES   TRECOTHICK. 

1830.  —  EVERETT,  ALEXANDER   HILL. 

1831.  —  PALFREY,  JOHN   GORHAM. 

1832.  —  QUINCY,  JOSIAH,  JUN. 

1833.  —  PRESCOTT,  EDWARD   GOLDSBOROUGH. 

1834.  —  FAY,  RICHARD    SULLIVAN. 

1835.  —  HILLARD,  GEORGE   STILLMAN. 

1836.  —  KINSMAN,  HENRY   WILLIS. 

1837.  —  CHAPMAN,    JONATHAN. 

1838.  —  WIXSLOW,  HUBBARD.      "  The  Means  of  the  Per- 

petuity and  Prosperity  of  our  Republic." 

1839.  —  AUSTIN,  IVERS  JAMES. 

1840.  —  POWER,   THOMAS. 

1  Six  editions  up  to  1831.      Reprinted  also  in  his  Life  and  Letters. 
r  Reprinted  in  his  Municipal  History  of  Boston.    See  1798. 


.-,-_>  APPENDIX. 

1841.  —  Ct  KTI>.    <;I;OK<;K    TICKNOR.       "The    True    Uses 

of   American    Revolutionary   History." ' 

1842.  — MANN,  HORACE. 9 

1843.  —  ADAMS,  CHARLES   FRANCIS. 

1844.  —  CHANDLER,  PKLEG   WHITMAN.      "  The  Morals  of 

Freedom." 

1845.  —  SUMNER,  CHARLES. 10      "The   True   Grandeur  of 

Nations." 

1846.  —  WEBSTER,  FLETCHER. 
l.s-17.  —  CAKV,  THOMAS    GREAVES. 

1848.  —  GILES,  JOEL.      "  Practical  Liberty." 

1849.  —  Giir.i'.Noi  OH,  WILLIAM  WHITWELL.       k"  The  Con- 

quering Republic." 

1850.  —  WHIFFLE,    EDWIX   PERCY."      "  Washington   and 

the   Principles   of   the   Revolution." 
1851. — RUSSELL,  CHARLES   THEODORE. 

1852.  —  KING,  THOMAS    STARR.      "The   Organization    of 

Liberty  on  the  Western  Continent."  12 

1853.  BlGELOW,    TIMOTHY.13 

1854.  —  STONE,  ANDREW   LEETE.* 

1855.  —  MINER,  ALONZO   AMES. 

1856.  —  PARKER,    EDWARD   GRIFFIN.       "  The    Lesson    of 

'70  to  the  Men  of  '56." 

8  Delivered  another  oration  in  1862. 

"There  are  five  editions;  .only  one  by  the  City. 

10  Passed  through  three  editions  in  Boston  and  one  in  London,  and  was  answered  in 
a  pamphlet,  Remarks  upon  an  Oration  delivered  by  Charles  Sumner    .    .    .    ,  July  4th, 
IM.'i.      By  u  Citizen  of  Boston.    See  Memoir  and  Letters  of  Charles  Sumncr,  by  Edward 
L.  Tierce,  vol.  ii,  337-384. 

11  There  IB  a  second  edition.     (Boston  :  Ticknor,  Reed,  and  Fields.    1S50.    49  pp.    12°.) 

nst  published  by  the  City  in  1892. 

13  This  and  a  number  of  the  succeeding   orations,  up  to   1S61,  contain   the   speeches, 
toasts,  etc.,  of  the  City  dinner  usually  given  in  Faueuil  Hall  ou  the  Fourth  of  July. 


APPENDIX.  53 

1857.  —  ALGER,  WILLIAM  ROUNSEVILLE.U      "  The  Genius 

and  Posture  of  America." 

1858.  —  HOLMES,  JOHN   SOMERS.* 

1859.  SUMNER,  GEORGE.15 

1860.  —  EVERETT,  EDWARD. 

1861.  —  PARSONS,  THEOPIIILUS. 

1862.  —  CURTIS,  GEORGE   TICKNOR. 

1863.  —  HOLMES,  OLIVER   WENDELL. 16 

1864.  —  RUSSELL,  THOMAS. 

1865.  —  MANNING,  JACOB  MERRILL.     "Peace  under  Lib- 

erty." 

1866.  —  LOTHROP,  SAMUEL   KIRKLAND. 

1867.  —  HEPWORTH,  GEORGE   HUGHES. 

1868.  — ELIOT,  SAMUEL.      "  The  Functions  of  a  City." 

1869.  —  MORTON,  ELLIS   WESLEY. 

1870.  —  EVERETT,  WILLIAM. 

1871.  —  SARGENT,  HORACE   BINNEY. 

1872.  —  ADAMS,  CHARLES   FRANCIS,  JIN*. 

1873.  —  WARE,  JOHN   FOTHERGILL   WATERHOUSE. 

1874.  —  FROTHINGHAM,  RICHARD. 

1875.  —  CLARKE,  JAMES   FREEMAN. 

14  Probably  four   editions   were   printed  in   1857.     (Boston:    Office  Boston  Daily  Bee. 
60  pp.)      Not  until  November  22,  1S64,  was  Mr.  Alger  asked  by  the  City  to  furnish  a 
copy  for  publication.    He  granted  the  request,  and  the  first  official  edition  (J.  E.  Farwell 
&  Co.,  1864.    53  pp.)  was  then  issued.     It  lacks  the  interesting  preface  and  appendix  of 
the  early  editions. 

15  There  is  another  edition.      (Boston :  Ticknor   &  Fields,  1859.     69  pp.)     A   third 
(Boston:  Rockwell  &  Churchill,  1882.     46pp.)   omits  the   dinner   at  Faneuil  Hall,  the 
correspondence  and  events  of  the  celebration. 

i«  There  is  a  preliminary  edition  of  twelve  copies.  (J.  E.  Farwell  &  Co.,  1863.  (7),  71  pp.) 
It  is  "  the  first  draft  of  the  author's  address,  turned  into  larger,  legible  type,  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  rendering  easier  its  public  delivery."  It  was  done  by  "  the  liberality  of  the 
City  Authorities,"  and  is,  typographically,  the  handsomest  of  these  orations.  This  re 
suited  in  the  large-paper  75-page  edition,  printed  from  the  same  type  as  the  71-page 
edition,  but  modified  by  the  author.  It  is  printed  "by  order  of  the  Common  Council.' » 
The  regular  edition  is  in  60  pp.,  octavo  size. 


5_j.  APPENDIX. 

1876. — WINTHROP,  ROBERT   CHARLES. I7 

1877.  —  WARREN,   WILLIAM   WIRT. 

1878.  —  HEALY,  JOSEPH. 

1879.  —  LODGE,  HENRY   CABOT. 

1880.  —  SMITH,  ROBERT  DICKSON."* 

1881.  —  WARREN,  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.     "  Our  Repub- 

lic—  Liberty  and  Equality  Founded  on  Law." 

1882.  —  LONG,  JOHN   DAVIS. 

1883.  —  CARPENTER,  HENRY  BERNARD.     "American  Char- 

acter and  Influence." 

1884.  —  SHEPARD,  HARVEY   NEWTON. 

1885.  —  GARGAN,  THOMAS   JOHN. 

1886.  —  WILLIAMS,  GEORGE   FREDERICK. 

1887.  —  FITZGERALD,  JOHN   EDWARD. 

1888.  —  DILLAWAY,  WILLIAM   EDWARD   LOVELL. 

1889.  —  SWIFT,  JOHN   LiNDSAY.19      "  The  American  Cit- 

izen." 

1890.  —  PILLSBURY,  ALBERT  ENOCH.      '"  Public  Spirit." 

1891.  —  QUINCY,  JosiAH.20      "The  Coming  Peace." 
Lsy-2.  —  MiKi-iiY,  JOHN    ROBERT. 

1893. — PI/TNAM,  HENRY  WARE.      "The   Mission  of   our 
People." 

17  There   is  a  large-paper   edition   of  fifty  copies  printed  from  this  type,  and  also  an 
edition  from  the  press  of  John  Wilson  &  Son,  1876.     55  pp.     8°. 

18  On  Samnel  Adams,  a  statue  of  whom,  by  Miss  Anne  Whitney,  had  just  been  com 
pleted  for  the  City.     A  photograph  of  the  statue  is  added. 

19  Contains  a  bibliography   of   Boston  Fourth   of  July   orations,  from   1783   to   1889 
inclusive,  compiled  by  Lindsay  Swift,  of  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

*°  Reprinted  by  the  American  Peace  Society. 


UCSB  LIBRARY 


